Napoleon in 1812

19. European Summit – 6

Ludwig van Beethoven’s tribute song was like an illustration of the fantasies that intellectuals who did not know the dark and shady aspects of international politics and the national system had about Napoleon.

Their clear, lively expectations, hopes and thoughts would be thoroughly consumed for Napoleon and France’s national interest. In the process, Napoleon could become a devil, a martyr, or a true mythical hero.

Napoleon did not feel any guilt about using their minds. Were they not using Napoleon and France to realize their own utopia anyway? Funny enough, it was a conversation with Talleyrand that came to Napoleon’s mind, as he became the hero of the desperate Eroica.

Talleyrand was a traitor who had betrayed his country, but also a person who had a contradictory loyalty to his country.

‘A common European council is only a curtain to make people believe that the Empire is taking peace and coexistence in Europe very seriously.’

People usually referred to François Carnot, who made the famous declaration, as the first person to come up with the idea of ‘union’.

It was said that he, who was originally an advanced reformer, spoke to Napoleon about his ideas first. But the truth was different.

This was the work of Talleyrand-Périgord, a conspirator trapped in a cage who was claiming that the national interest was above any other value. And of course, his ideas were not led by goodwill and noble intentions.

‘The more pawns you have in chess, the better. Bring them into the Great War as collateral to take advantage of their safety and sovereignty. Use their ideals as a justification and use them as consumable items.’

Then what was the goal of Talleyrand-Périgord, who first proposed this ‘union’?

It was neither to transform the image of the French Empire nor to make Napoleon an Enlightenment monarch. At a time when the British and French forces were at odds, it was meant to put forward a cause to unite other powers on France’s side.

Thus, it was to solidify its justifiable superiority in the ‘Great War’ that would surely break out later, and to obtain numerous allies.

In fact, Napoleon and France did not do anything special. They just wished for peace in Europe and only increased false promises and pledges about common values. Nevertheless, European intellectuals were praising Napoleon very enthusiastically.

They looked as if they had found their future prophet and savior. The base of the influence of intellectuals and experts engaged in culture, art, and media on the overall society was very wide and deep, especially for the people who envied them.

The cause of the British-French dispute, which was now threatening peace on the European continent, was, strictly speaking, France’s fault for infringing on British property rights first.

Nevertheless, European literacy and public opinion protected France and criticized Britain. This was what captivated the literacy class. Being able to move public opinion.

Britain, which was spurring preparations for war, must be at a loss by now. It was truly a perfect political move. Britain was already reborn as an axis of evil that was threatening peace in Europe.

‘Honestly, isn’t the territory of the Empire wide enough? Now Your Majesty should pursue honor rather than conquest.’

That was Talleyrand’s last advice. At that time, Napoleon was able to see the nervousness, vigilance, and anxiety that could not be hidden, contained in Talleyrand’s smile.

Napoleon knew well that Talleyrand had criticized Nabot’s unreasonable conquest wars in the past. Of course, he did not know that the owner of his body had changed.

That was why he was showing anxiety even though the Emperor was different from before. He was afraid that Napoleon would run rampant again.

‘And that was why I was able to accept Talleyrand’s true words without doubt.’

Napoleon stroked his blue cloak embroidered with an eagle, the symbol of the French Emperor. In an unexpected world, he was in the unwanted position of Emperor, a prisoner like Talleyrand.

With the heart of a snake, he could do anything for France’s wealth and power. At the same time, he was a natural politician who skillfully used hypocrisy and deception.

He did not consider good or evil. He only moved forward thinking about the future and national interests of his country. Looking forward to tomorrow’s events, Napoleon looked for a sleep that never came.

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Usually, there was no distinction between banquets symbolizing friendship and harmony and negotiations to coordinate diplomatic disputes in places where treaties or agreements between European countries were established.

It was the traditional and aristocratic European negotiation methods to dance with music while enjoying luxurious food and colorful palace parties, and to secretly but warily express one’s own opinions.

Even when Napoleon signed an agreement with the Russian Tsar in the city of Druskininkai after winning the Battle of Hrodna, the party venue and the negotiating venue were mixed and indistinguishable.

However, the great events here at the Rohan Palace in Strasbourg were held in separate places, differing from the past tradition.

The party was continuing in the main hall of the Rohan Palace as it did the day before. However, the actual protagonists of the talks were filling their seats in a conference room of the detached palace.

January 1st, 1818. The expressions of European monarchs and attendants, who stood in a position that would create a new history for the European continent, were solemn.

“Then… We will start the first European summit now.”

Their eyes looked around in a solemn atmosphere where the brightness and splendor of the party could not be found.

‘They’re just reading the room.’

And this was also a characteristic of organizations formed by an ideal justification. The members pretended to want to find a utopia, but avoided taking the lead and risking their own sacrifice.

In the end, they would only move for the benefit of individuals and groups. And that was true for Napoleon himself as well. The key was how sophisticated it was packaged.

“Even within a small society, there are constant disputes among people, so what about a huge set of countries? I know that it’s impossible to have a world with no quarrel at all.”

He raised a hot topic. Feeling that the monarchs’ attention was focused on him, Napoleon continued.

“The will of the French Empire is to achieve it even if it is with a limited scope. At least in Europe, we want to solve problems between countries with dialogue and goodwill, not guns and cannons. Of course, this is not something that one country can do alone. We desperately need the noble cooperation of the guests.”

Napoleon’s remarks opened the door to the talks, and the Minister of the Administration François Carnot, the author of the ‘Carnot Declaration’, explained the specific plans for the European Council.

“We haven’t named the council yet, so we’ll call it the ‘Union’. Members of the Union are, of course, countries that attended the Strasbourg talks. Countries belonging to the Union will be protected from external enemies as a whole.”

Carnot made military alliances and mutual defense systems the first pillar of the Union. Members of the Union advocated the principle of jointly responding to external threats while refraining from bloody internal disputes.

“My country approves.”

“We will work together.”

Some countries expressed disapproval, but the small states of the Confederation of the Rhine, especially the bishoprics and the free cities, agreed as if it went without saying.

‘From the point of view of the small countries of the Confederation of the Rhine, France, Austria, Prussia, as well as Denmark, Bavaria, and Saxony look like threatening predators targeting them. They will not miss the opportunity to be guaranteed safety within the Union.’

In the past, small and medium-sized countries of the Holy Roman Empire were protected by the Habsburg Empire, but now that empire had disappeared.

In fact, the small countries of the Confederation of the Rhine, which were only as big as city-states, had to protect themselves and their neighbors in similar situations, but their influence was minimal in the huge plate led by the great powers.

They attended the Strasbourg talks on their own will to protect their sovereignty from neighboring powers, not under any French pressure.

‘In other words, there is no need to overdo it or to give them benefits to persuade them. They will approve the Union on their own.’

Rather, they would be well-behaved members of the Council and would actively follow the French-led order. And the number of people representing them at the talks was not small.

With the active sympathy of pro-France countries, the atmosphere of the talks seemed to be loosening under the leadership of France. Then, someone asked for the right to speak.

“I would like to say a word to the French Emperor, the organizer of this conference, and to the European monarchs gathered here.”

The most important target of vigilance of the French Foreign Ministry, the Austrian Empire’s Foreign Minister Klemens von Metternich[1], stepped up.

“Please speak.”

“Thank you, Minister of the Administration. We fully acknowledge the value and necessity of the European Union claimed by the French Empire. Of course, our perspective is a little different from the other countries… But let’s discuss this later.”

“…”

“First of all, it seems necessary to explain the standards of the internal members of the Union and their individual speaking rights. When discussing an important agenda for the Union, the biggest countries dominating the continent and the small countries of the Confederation of the Rhine will not exercise equal influence and executive power, will they?”

This time, the monarchs and leaders of small states of the Confederation of the Rhine showed unpleasant signs.

‘Metternich. You’re starting to act.’

Carnot glanced at them and replied.

“Of course. Member countries belonging to the Union will be divided into ranks based on various standards set by the Foreign Ministry of the Empire, including their size, population, and economic power. Depending on their ranks, the members of the Union will exercise different powers.”

In fact, this was a given. It did not make sense for a city-state with a population of 50,000 and France with more than 45 million citizens to speak on an equal footing.

However, revealing this part first and saying it in a rough tone was only a blatant act of blurring the water of the conference hall.

“The Foreign Ministry of the French Empire… Hmm, in the end, the ranks of the member countries will be divided according to the intentions and tendencies of the French Foreign Ministry, so can we trust and accept them completely?”

Metternich raised his head and shouted at representatives of other countries.

“It seems difficult to trust the objectivity of such a rating, which is to evaluate member states by dividing them into several ranks. The Union is a consultative body established to protect and promote common European values. Then of course, it is right to discuss and set the ranks of the member states together, don’t you think so?”

The representatives became noisy. It was nothing bad from their point of view. This one remark shook numerous pro-France countries.

“I can’t agree with that at all. Above all, it sounds even more suspicious to say that after attending the meeting and ignoring the intentions of the host country (France). Think about whose concessions and good faith preceded the formation of this alliance in the first place.”

Of course, there were countries that did not agree with Metternich. Poland, among them, was an extreme pro-France country. When Józef I condemned Metternich, sparks erupted between Austrian and Polish officials.

These two countries had jointly responded to the invasion of the Ottoman Empire and had achieved a feat that would remain in the history of the Christian world, but their friendship had long been broken because of Austria’s contribution to Poland’s historical pain (the partition of Poland).[2]

The atmosphere in the conference hall froze, and the representatives of some countries wondered if they attended for nothing. French foreign officials were perplexed as if they had not expected this situation.

It was not good for France to be dragged by other countries from the beginning of the talks. It was not Napoleon’s place to intervene, but he still tried to step up himself. However, someone else opened his mouth first and cleared the situation. It was Carnot, the Minister of the Administration.

“Any organization needs a leader to oversee it. Although it has not been announced yet, there will be also a chairman in the Union. No, to be exact, it will be a ‘chair country’ that will play the role of chairman. Of course, there is no country other than the French Empire to take this place. If you have any objections to this, please raise your hand.”

No one raised a hand. The chaotic situation at the conference hall also calmed down. France, which was a continental hegemony and led the formation of this conference itself, was well qualified to be this ‘chair country’.

‘France is trying to hold the Union and to make it a dictatorship!’ became ‘France is just trying to play the role of a chair country.’ The nuance was completely different. This was Carnot’s brilliant response, not allowing any accusation.

“Austria’s Foreign Minister should pay attention to words and expressions with consideration and respect for neighboring member states.”

“I will keep that in mind.”

Metternich raised both hands as if he acknowledged it. It was a gesture meaning that he would not stand out anymore. Napoleon, who was watching the scene, narrowed his eyes slightly. Austria was unlikely to easily hand over the initiative to France.

The reason why Metternich was praised both in the other world and in this one was because of his skillful speech and diplomatic way of not making enemies. Metternich made Austria’s influence stand out within the member states in just a few words.

Countries that would not like the calculation method and results of the ranking would remember Austria being dissatisfied with France.

Napoleon turned to Franz I. He was sitting relatively close to Friedrich Wilhelm III, the King of Prussia, with an expressionless face.

‘Perhaps it is necessary to build a wall in advance.’

Napoleon, who needed a quick end to the talks for various reasons, intended to put away the annoyance right away.